Human Rights and International Governance

July 31st was a historic day at the United Nations. The reason: the Security Council authorized the creation of a hybrid UN-African Union peacekeeping/police force (UNAMID). Resolution 1769 has been a long time in the making. Indeed, the situation in Darfur is the most serious human rights tragedy taking place in the world today. Since February 2003, tens of thousands of Sudanese have been killed by the Janjaweed militias, while more than 2 million have been displaced from their homes. This crisis is exactly the type of situation that the members of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty had in mind when they conceived of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Until now action has been hampered by various political roadblocks. As important as this development at the UN is, Resolution 1769 also has implications for Canada, or at least it should. More specifically, the resolution should force Canadians to take pause, and think long and hard about the purpose and capacities of the Canadian military.
     Resolution 1769 is a welcome diplomatic breakthrough for at least two reasons. First, because the Security Council can legally authorize interventions in situations that constitute a threat to “international peace and security,” the government in Khartoum can no longer cry foul and claim that a foreign military presence would constitute an illegal violation of its state sovereignty. Second – and just as significant – is that UNAMID’s mandate is to protect the vulnerable. Although some observers have criticized the Security Council for not passing a more robust resolution (Resolution 1769 says nothing about disarmament), UNAMID’s mandate is to bring an end to the human rights atrocities that are currently being committed.
     The challenge for the UN will now be to assemble the peacekeeping/policing force by 31 December 2007, the date in which it is slated to take over from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS). The Security Council has asked for 26,000 troops/police officers, which, at least by UN standards, is a sizeable force. For the time being at least, the majority of the blue helmets will come from Africa, which is one of the conditions of the Resolution.
     It is not yet clear what role Canada will play in UNAMID. Canada has, to date, been one of the leading financial contributors to the international effort to bring peace to the Sudan. Since the crisis began in 2003, Canada has committed $441 million towards various initiatives aimed at ending the humanitarian crisis (See “Canada Welcomes Establishment of Hybrid AU-UN Peacekeeping Mission in Darfur and Contributes Additional $48 Million”). If all things remain the same, Canada will likely continue to be one of UNAMID’s principal funders once it is operational.
     But beyond financial aid, Canada will probably have little to do with the UN force, its contribution likely limited to a few dozen military officers. At present, there are currently 45 Canadian Forces personnel working with the AU and UN in Sudan (seeCanada: Active in Sudan). This number is unlikely to change any time soon, the principal reason being that Canadian forces are committed to the mission in Afghanistan until at least 2009. Quite simply, the Canadian military presently lacks the capacity to be in two theatres at once.
     The time has come for Canadians to have a serious debate about the purpose of the Canadian military. At risk of simplifying a very complex issue, a difficult choice may have to be made between a military that is designed to perform dangerous combat operations and one that is geared more towards ending humanitarian crises. In essence, a choice may have to be made between the Afghanistans and the Darfurs. Of course, there is not necessarily a right or wrong answer; both Afghanistan and Darfur suffer from deeply-entrenched climates of insecurity that need to be remedied. After careful deliberation Canadians may decide that they can do the most good in Afghanistan. But there needs to be a national debate. Otherwise, when the call goes out for help in bringing about an end to mass human rights atrocities such as those taking place in Darfur, Canada will remain ill-equipped to answer the bell.

The opinions expressed are the personal views of the author only, and do not represent the views of any organization or institution with which he is affiliated.